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    名人英文演講稿

    時間:2024-09-22 11:29:47 曉麗 演講稿

    名人英文演講稿(通用13篇)

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    名人英文演講稿(通用13篇)

      名人英文演講稿 1

      Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

      This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.

      It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

      But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.

      One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.

      One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.

      One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.

      So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

      In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check.

      When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

      This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

      It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.

      Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds.

      " But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.

      We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

      So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

      We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.

      This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.

      Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.

      Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children.

      Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

      It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.

      This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.

      Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

      名人英文演講稿 2

      Vice President Johnson, Mr.

      Speaker, Mr.

      Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

      We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change.

      For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

      The world is very different now.

      For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.

      And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

      We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.

      Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

      Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

      This much we pledge -- and more.

      To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.

      United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.

      Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

      To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.

      We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.

      But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

      To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.

      If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

      To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.

      But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.

      Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.

      And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

      To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

      Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

      We dare not tempt them with weakness.

      For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

      But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankinds final war.

      So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.

      Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

      Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

      Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

      Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.

      Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

      Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."

      And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

      All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.

      Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.

      But let us begin.

      In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.

      Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.

      The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

      Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

      Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.

      I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it.

      I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.

      The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.

      And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

      And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

      My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

      Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.

      With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth Gods work must truly be our own.

      名人英文演講稿 3

      Harry S.

      Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"

      Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

      The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress.

      The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved.

      One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.

      The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance.

      Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

      I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government.

      Greece is not a rich country.

      Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet.

      Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

      When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine.

      More than a thousand villages had been burned.

      Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular.

      Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared.

      Inflation had wiped out practically all savings.

      As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

      Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence.

      Under these circumstances, the people of Greececannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction.

      Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds.

      These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad.

      Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery.

      The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

      The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the governments authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries.

      A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

      Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation.

      The Greek army is small and poorly equipped.

      It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory.

      Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy.

      The United States must supply this assistance.

      We have already extended to Greececertain types of relief and economic aid.

      But these are inadequate.

      There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.

      No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

      The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st.

      Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

      We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis.

      But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

      It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration.

      It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

      No government is perfect.

      One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected.

      The Government of Greece is not perfect.

      Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year.

      Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

      The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism.

      It has made mistakes.

      The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do.

      We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left.

      We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

      Greeks [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention.

      The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece.

      The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece.

      Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece.

      And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

      Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support.

      Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity.

      That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East.

      The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey.

      As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it.

      We are the only country able to provide that help.

      I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time.

      One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion.

      This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan.

      Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

      To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations.

      The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members.

      We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes.

      This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

      The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will.

      The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria.

      I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

      At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life.

      The choice is too often not a free one.

      One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.

      The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority.

      It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

      I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

      I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

      I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

      The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred.

      But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration.

      In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

      It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation.

      If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious.

      Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East.

      Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

      It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much.

      Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.

      Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

      Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

      We must take immediate and resolute action.

      I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948.

      In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

      In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished.

      I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel.

      Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.

      If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress.

      On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

      This is a serious course upon which we embark.

      I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious.

      The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II.

      This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.

      The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment.

      It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain.

      The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want.

      They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife.

      They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

      We must keep that hope alive.

      The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms.

      If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world.

      And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

      Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

      I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

      名人英文演講稿 4

      I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word, it is victory. Victory at all costs—victory in spite of all terrors—victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival. Let that be realized, no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that British Empire has stood for , no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall more forward toward his goal.

      I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of a

      名人英文演講稿 5

      Can money buy happiness? Different people have different opinions. Some think yes, while others hold the opposite.

      It is true that with enough money one can buy all the things one wants, and live a life of comfort and security. However, it is equally true that lack of money causes great distress. It is a common view that "money is the root of all evil.“ The pursuit of money drives many people to cheat and steal. In some places there is nothing that cannot be bought with money, resulting in corrupt societies where everybody is miserable.

      When James visited Qingdao, I accompanied him all the time and reported on his visit. I was deeply touched by his honesty. It has taught me a lot. I think to err is human. The important thing is to have the courage to admit and correct ones error.

      Honesty is a vital quality of human behaviour. So we should try to keep an honest mind in everything we say and do. I would like to say to all of my friends: Lets be honest people of good moral character.

      Thank you.

      名人英文演講稿 6

      Im only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening because I have some -- some very sad news for all of you -- Could you lower those signs please? -- I have some very sad news for all of you and I think sad news for all of our fellow citizens and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis Tennessee. Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort. In this difficult day in this difficult time for the United States its perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. For those of you who are black -- considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible -- you can be filled with bitterness and with hatred and a desire for revenge. For those of you who are black and are tempted to fill with -- be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act against all white people I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. I had a member of my family killed but he was killed by a white man. But we have to make an effort in the United States. We have to make an effort to understand to get beyond or go beyond these rather difficult times. My favorite poem my -- my favorite poet was Aeschylus. And he once wrote: Even in our sleep pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart until in our own despair

      against our will comes wisdom through the awful grace of God.

      What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness but is love and wisdom and compassion toward one another and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country whether they be white or whether they be black. So I ask you tonight to return home to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King -- yeah its true -- but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country which all of us love -- a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke. We can do well in this country. We will have difficult times. Weve had difficult times in the past but we -- and we will have difficult times in the future. It is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and its not the end of disorder.

      But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together want to improve the quality of our life and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land. And lets dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. Let us dedicate ourselves to that and say a prayer for our country and for our people. Thank you very much.

      名人英文演講稿 7

      Humanism is like a rock.

      It smashes a mask. A mask we human being are weaving with modern technologies. A mask we are wearing to disguise our own ugliness. A mask we are just reluctant to shed. Humanism mashes that mask, reveals the real face that people have tried so hard to hide, greed of the condor, arrogance of the peacock, gluttony of the locust and envy of the snake.

      In a technologically advanced world, all those tremendously fabulous achievements of modern technology blind us from those unkind and evil. They make us believe we are prefect. People seldom care about the workers being contaminated by the chemical reagent used for the screen in our cellphone, simply because the touch screen phone is stylish. People seldom care about seagulls and turtles, because drilling a hole in the middle of the ocean and pumping out petroleum makes money. People seldom care about bears, because slice their abdomen and drainage the bile is now said to be painless and profitable. These are all thanks to modern technologies.

      However, humanism concerns about the human and our connections with the nature. When our mask was crushed into dust, however repugnant we are, we have now realized with no confusion of beaming technologies how little we are concerned about others and other creatures’ lives.

      Technology is the mask that conceals the evil and unkindness of us human beings. Humanism shatters us into a thousand pieces, pointing out our limitations and shortcomings.

      Humanism is like piles of rocks.

      It does not only smash our masks, but also build up a way to a better future. Einstein once said “it is more important to find a problem than to solve one”. Our technologies may have being continuously advancing over the last few centuries because we always find limitations and defects about them. Forced to see our own limitations, we shall not be disappointed but filled with vigor. Though it is painful and shameful to let humanism unmask us, we shall felicitate ourselves on finding the way ahead, the problem unsolved, and the key dusted. A defect might be a blessing in disguise.

      We may not be flawless, but at least we know where to improve and amend. We may be imperfect, but that doesn’t diminish our confidence to live and descend.

      We have books discussing about humanism in a technologically advanced world. In her book Silent Spring, Rachel Carson points out people’s greed for profit makes them giving up the respect for nature, applying all those germicide and pesticide. In the book Reverence for Life, Albert Schweitzer raises the connection that humanism as part of our ethical standard.

      Besides books, there are people talking about humanism in a technologically advanced world. Mother Teresa told us “People have given science too much love. Now it is time for a little science for love”. And we gathered here discussing this heated issue. This particular question is being raised by an ever increasing number of people. Even if there are saying that man can never get rid of pride and arrogance, it has already made a difference to understand and amend.

      Humanism is exactly the same thing as smashing our mask, exposing our defect, humiliating us and building up our way ahead.

      In a technologically advanced world, it is never wrong to cherish technologies and science. But it is wrong to cache our shortcomings under the cover of advanced technologies and its achievements. It is wrong to put our faith in technology rather than us, humans.

      Humanism reveals the darkness backward and lights up the road forward. This is the role of humanism in a technologically advanced world. This is how we will survive a technologically advanced world, with Humanism the Rock

      名人英文演講稿 8

      You must believe in yourself and in your an movie broke all those box-office records, I received a phone call from that United Artists exec e I y mind. No just calling to congratulate you on the success of Batman. I al arket yourself and your ideas. Use both sides of your brain.You must have a high threshold for frustration. Take it from the guy ust knock on doors until your knuckles bleed. Doors in your face. You must pick yourself up, dust yourself off, and knock again. Its the only erican achieve their full potential is one of this administration’s top priorities. at the u.s. department of health and human services, eet the complex needs of all people spectrum disorders (asd) and their families. prove a child’s development.

      perhaps the biggest step and their families happened over a year ago, screening and developmental assessments for children at no cost to parents. insurers e or annual limits on benefits.

      also, thanks to the neily health insurance until they turn 26. for a young adult spectrum disorder and their family, that means peace of mind. it means more flexibility, more options, and more opportunity to reach their full potential.

      ultimately, there is more support for americans than ever before. this means more promise of ne even better. but in order to continue meeting the needs of people , the combating autism act must be fully reauthorized. portant partners, the affordable care act and the combating autism act portant research and develop and refine vital treatments.

      there are still many unknoilies. together, an services.

      名人英文演講稿 9

      ill tell you an experience of myself happened last week. last thursday our school was tackling something about woking fou study. i wanted to have a try even though i knew the salary was so low and i had little chance,because the students who had the certificate were always thought to have priority to get the job. fortunately i was called at noon and a teacher said to me that she wanted me to work for her and asked if i could change my mind. at that moment i was so excited that immediately i accepted her idea. but later on,she found me that im not a student,so i had little chance and suggest me to get one. then an idea occurred to me that i could call my father and ask him to send me the letter. at the same time i was told that i was admitted to the job and dont need the certificate. that time i forgot to remind my father,until the next day he called me thathe had posted it and it would arrive in just one day.

      at that moment i was moved, and even moved into tears, because i knew my father was injured not long before,the proceof helping me with the affairs was not so convenient for him. but he tried his best to help me. sometimes we may complain about unsatisfying things around us,and blame them on our parents,sometimes theyll be angry with us, and sometimes we cant quite understand what they are thinking about. but on balance, almost every parent is selfleto his or her child. they are ready to offer everything to us when we are in bad situation. we used to sharing sorrow with them,but do not forget to share our happinewith them, perhaps they will be much happier than we are. so from now on, lets care more about our parents and do not leave pity to them. thats what i want to tell you today. thank you

      Good morning, ladies and gentlemen, I’m very glad to make a speech here. Today my topic is “I love you, China.”

      Since the day I was born, I began to have a proud name—Chinese. Since the day I began to talk, the most beautiful sentence I’ve ever learnt has been “I love you, China!”

      I love you, China, and I’m so proud of being a Chinese. I’m proud that I’ve got the beautiful yellow skin, black eyes and black hair. I’m also proud that I speak the most beautiful language in the world—Chinese.

      I love you, China, for I can feel the deep love you give me every day, every minute. Last year, I got an opportunity to visit the United States of America. During my staying there, my father’s boonce invited my family to dinner. While at , he looked at me and asked: “Little boy, how long have you been in America?” “About a month,” I answered, “How lucky you are!” he said, “If you were living in China, how could you learn such perfect English?” I smiled and told him proudly that all the students in China are able to learn English at school. I saw his surprised eyes and said to myself, “I’m proud of you, China ”

      名人英文演講稿 10

      Someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. I don’t know who wrote these words, but I’ve always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all. We are young. “How to spend the youth?” It is a meaningful question. To answer it, first I have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” Youth is not a time of life, it’s a state of mind. It’s not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips or supple knees. It’s the matter of the will. It’s the freshness of the deep spring of life. A poet said “To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. Several days ago, I had a chance to listen to a lecture. I learnt a lot there. I’d like to share it with all of you. Let’s show our right palms. We can see three

      lines that show how our love.career and life is. I have a short line of life. What about yours? I wondered whether we could see our future in this way. Well, let’s make a fist. Where is our future? Where is our love, career, and life? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves. We all want the future to be better than the past. But the future can go better itself. Don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From the past, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. We’ve learnt that we can’t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. Failure doesn’t mean you don’t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way. Failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder. As what I said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. The past has gone. Nothing we do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us. And from today on, let’s be the owners of ourselves, and speak out “We are the world, we are the future.”

      名人英文演講稿 11

      I enter tile university after years of hard study and preparation(準備)。 But life in the university is not as satisfactory(滿意) as what I had expected. I become lazy and dont want to study.I become silcent. I become puzzled. I dont know what I can do in the future. Then I become unhappy.

      Four years in the university is only a short period when compared my whole lifetime. Now it has passed a half. In this year, many people ,such as my parents,my friends, ask me what I want to do and tell me to map out a plan for my life. I dont want to follow their suggestion, and I want to go my style. So I think carefully. I have been a young volunteer(志愿者) for five years.Its very happy and significant. Then I have a dream.I want to join the University Student Volunteers Go West Programe. I think I can be a teacher in the west.I want to try my best to help them and help me. I want to see the world cearly. Now I cant reach its demand and its very diffcult,but I will work hard in the next two years. There is an old saying"where there is a will,there is a way.(有志者事竟成)"I think my dream can come in the university I mature,and in the university I prepare for the real world.

      At last,I want to say to everybody"Hlod fast to your dreams,no matter how big or small they are.The path to dreams may not be smooth(平滑) and wide,even some sacrifices(犧牲) are needed.But hold on to the end,you can find there is no geater happiness than making your dream come ture."

      名人英文演講稿 12

      ladies and gentlemen, good morning. it’s my great honor to be here and i am very happy to see you all. thank you for being here. what i am going to talk about today is how to speak good English. making

      first of all, i’d like to talk about the importance of speaking good English and share my experience in learning English with you. as you know, English has become an international language. wherever you go, English is always commonly used. it is convenient to know the language. at the same time, English may be the most important factor in deciding which countries are leaders in the future. the language of the most advanced management and technology is undoubtedly English. being able to absorb this information is really the key to the new century. in the 21century. we can’t go there and speak our own language because nobody is going to learn it in order to understand us. our asian rival, india, has surged ahead of other developing countries in information technology because of its superior English skills. unlewe are able to master English, we will not be able to get our population to use it and take advantage of the new economy. there is an urgent need to have a workforce which is proficient in the language in view of the information technology onslaught.

      second, about learning English, i think laying a strong foundation is the first and most important step. in other words, you should read and speak English every day. memorizing new words and phrases is also helpful. of course, learning English takes some time, so don’t be impatient. remember, rome wasn’t built in a day. and then since English is not our native tongue, we must develop the muscles of your speech organs to produce unfamiliar sounds. when you read, read as loudly as possible, as clearly as possible and as quickly as possible. tongue muscles’ training is of importance in learning any foreign language.

      third, if you want to speak good English, please don’t care how poorly well you speak, only care about catching the chances to speak. you must enjoy losing face, just forget about your face. the more you speak, the better your English will become. the more mistakes you make, the more progreyou will make. you must enjoy speaking poor English, because speaking is the only thing that will lead you towards success. don’t give up. just try your best. every time you move your mouth, your memory will deepen, your muscles will strengthen. you can make it.

      i have made a considerable amounts of public English speaking in my life, i am often asked why the crazy English method is better than other methods or if the crazy English method will help all English learners. my answer is, the method will help the English learners because it is a perfect match with the chinese principles of diligence, self-help and determination. mere exposure to English will not enable you to speak English. if you want to drive you have to get in the car and drive, if you want to dance you have to turn on the music and dance, if you want to swim you have to jump in the water and swim. in fact, swimming is the perfect comparison to learning English. you can’t learn to swim by sitting in a room and reading books about swimming skills. in order to be a swimmer you’ve got to conquer you fear, you’ve got to survive and suck in water, yell for help, you’ve got to lose face many times before you can make it. but, to be a good swimmer you’ve got to practice again and again. to be a great swimmer you have to practice for years until you can harmonize every part of your body and mind.

      finally, i want to greet you and encourage you to seize this unique opportunity to conquer English and make lifelong friends from all over our college. as you know, we are human beings ,not animals. we know what we want to do. we know our destiny is in our hands. with hard work and determination, we can do anything we set our mind to do. today, i will accompany you every minute on this unique journey. i want you to open your heart, i want you to be devoted, i want you to be crazy, i want you to forget about your face, i want to open your mouth wildly, i want you conquer your lazineand all the other human weaknesses, i want you to overcome all the obstacles that hold you back.

      i want to share your joy and i want to share your struggle, but most important of all, i want to share your glory and victory. we are the future of china, the future of asian, and the future of the world. we desire to win, we must win, we will win, absolutely, definitely, and without any doubt! form a painfully shy boy who felt terrible about himself, who regarded himself as human trash, a born loser, to an internationally recognized English promoter, i made it. so i strongly believe that you will make it too. i have confidence in you.

      名人英文演講稿 13

      It is a to feel that no heart but my own can know the personal regret, and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position so suitable for others rather than desirable for myself.

      因為只有我自己才知道,在我承擔一個對別人更適合而非我自己之所欲的職務時的私自懊惱,和痛苦遺憾,感到這一點也是一種解脫。

      The circumstances under which I have been called for a limited period to preside over the of the Republic fill me with a profound sense of responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking . I repair to the post assigned me not as to one sought, but in to the expression of your will, answerable only for a fearless, faithful, and diligent exercise of my best powers.

      我被召喚來在一定期間內負責共和國命運的這一處境使我充滿深刻的責任感,但無任何怯弱的畏懼。但我不是通過自身尋求來履行這任命我的職務,而是服從于你們愿望的自發表達,對之只有以我的無畏、忠誠,和勤勉來行使我的權力才能回報。

      I ought to be, and am , truly grateful for the rare of the nations confidence; but this,so far from lightening my obligations, only adds to their weight.

      我應該并已經真正感謝國家對我信任的罕有證明;但這在照亮我的責任之外,也加重了其負荷。 You have summoned me in my weakness; you must me by your strength. 你們已召喚了有缺點的我;你們必須以你們的力量來支持我。

      When looking for the fulfillment of reasonable requirements, you will not be of the great changes which have occurred, even within the last quarter of a century, and the consequent augmentation and of duties imposed in the administration both of your home and foreign affairs.

      當尋求合理要求的實現時,你們將不會注意已發生的巨大轉變。即使是在過去的二十五年,以及后來國內和外交事務責任的加重和復雜。

      The great objects of our pursuit as people are best to be attained by peace and are entirely consistent with the and interests of the rest of mankind.

      作為一個民族我們所追求的偉大目標最好是通過和平手段實現,并和其他人民的.和平和利益一致。 With the neighboring nations upon our we should kindly and relations.

      我們要與這塊大陸的鄰國培養友好的兄弟關系。

      We can desire nothing in regard to them so much as to see them consolidate their strength and pursue the paths of prosperity and happiness.

      我們除了希望看到他們加強自身力量和追求繁榮幸福的路線之外不再對他們有任何欲望。

      If in the course of their growth we should open new channels of trade and create additional facilities for friendly intercourse, the benefits realized will be equal and mutual.

      在他們成長的道路上我們應該打開新的貿易通道和創立額外的友誼交往設施,將實現的利益將是與平和相互的。

      Of the complicated European systems of national polity we have been independent.

      在復雜的歐洲各國體系中,我們保持獨立。

      From their wars, their tumults, and anxieties we have been, happily, almost entirely exempt.

      我們可幸地幾乎完全地避免了他們的戰爭、動亂和焦慮。

      Whilst these are confined to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate , they can not affect us except as they appeal to our sympathies in the cause of human freedom and universal advancement.

      這些只在造成它們的國家的范圍之內,在他們自己的合法裁定之內,它們不會影響我們,除非他們以人類自由和普遍發展的理由來請求我們。

      But the vast interests of commerce are common to all mankind, and the advantages of trade and international intercourse must always present a noble field for the moral influence of a great people.

      但巨大的商業利益為全人類所共有,而貿易和國際交往的優點必須永遠成為一個偉大人民施展道德影響的尊貴場所。

      Nothing filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.

      在人生沉浮中,沒有一件事能比你們于本月14日送達的通知更使我焦慮不安。一方面,國家召喚我出任此職,對于她的召喚,我永遠只能肅然敬從;而隱退是我以摯愛心情、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿,由于愛好和習慣,時感體力不濟,愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。且時光流逝,健康漸衰。 On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect, my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little

      consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me,

      my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.

      另一方面,國家召喚我擔負的責任如此重大和艱巨,足以使國內最有才智和經驗的人度德量力;而我天資愚鈍,又無民政管理的實踐,理應倍覺自己能力之不足,因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情,我唯一敢斷言的是,通過正確估計可能產生影響的各種情況來克盡吾職,乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標。我唯一敢祈望的是,如果我在執行這項任務時因陶醉于往事。或因由衷感激公民們對我的高度信賴,因而受到過多影響,以致在處理從未經歷過的大事時,忽視了自己的無能和消極。我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機而減輕,而大家在評判錯誤的后果時,也會適當包涵產生這些動機的偏見。

      Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.

      既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現職時的感想,那么,在此宣誓就職之際,如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當。因為上帝統治著宇宙,主宰著各國政府,它的神助能彌補人類的任何不足。愿上帝賜福,保佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府,保佑它為這些基本目標而做出奉獻。保佑政府的各項行政措施在我負責之下都能成功地發揮作用。

      In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.

      在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻上這份崇敬時,我保證這不僅表達了我自己的情感,這些話也同樣表達了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國更堅定不移地承認和崇拜掌管人間事務的上帝。他們在邁向獨立國家的進程中,似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象;他們在剛剛完成的聯邦政府體制的重大改革中,如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報,如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預示的賜福的到來,那么,通過眾多截然不同的集團的冷靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革,這種方式是不能與大多數政府的組建方式同日而語的。

      You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more aushttps://p.9136.com/1xmence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President, "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient."The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.

      在目前轉折關頭,我產生這些想法確實是深有所感而不能自已。我相信大家會和我懷有同感,即除了仰仗上帝的力量,一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據設立行政部門的條款,總統有責任對你們提出建議。如衡量權宜必要的判斷之類的思路。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合,恕我不能進一步討論這個問題,而只是提一下偉大的憲法,它使各位今天聚集一堂,它規定了各位的權限,提出了各位應該注意的目標。在這樣的場合,更恰當、也更能反映我內心激情的做法。不是提出具體措施,而是稱頌將要規劃和采納這些措施的當選者的才能、正直和愛國心。

      In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so ,on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more.

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